They may desperately try to twist the truth with montages built with expensive technological resources; Diosdado Cabello will sweat even more; they will reinforce threats; the punishments will become more heartless; They will punish entire sectors without services, without bonuses, without promises. They will be able to kick their heels announcing that the European Union will not be able to enter. AND? For them everything is already bad.
Things have changed a lot despite the dictatorship. Until recently unsuspectedly oppositional territories such as the El Cementerio neighborhood, or the El León neighborhood in La Vega, received with affection Edmundo González Urrutia who was embraced by desperate women, overwhelmed by poverty, along with indignant, humiliated men who have been used by the regime. The value is that yes, they, the most needy, say it: I vote against Maduro.
Less than two months before the electoral process, this trend, as the late Tibisay Lucena would say, appears irreversible. Of course, the regime, understood by Nicolás Maduro and the privileged elite around Miraflores, has not yet resigned itself and is far from admitting that it cannot avoid his defeat. And although the unpopularity is very strong, there are several trick, illegal cards that Maduro can appeal to in his fear and desperation.
The difference is that this time the opposition is playing politics and is willing to negotiate, returning to everyday use a word that was demonized until recently: transition, and with it a vital issue debated at international tables: transitional justice. But first things first.
There is little space in the heads of corrupt populists afraid of facing justice unprotected from power. However, even the most denialist among them admits privately and with regret that the street, now that they are looking at it again, wants to get them out of the government and that it is better to take precautions.
The issue divides them. Some believe that they must negotiate, save themselves in time and say goodbye in the best possible way, and others feel that they have no escape, that their villainy has gone too far and that holding on by force is the only way out. Can the regime sustain itself that way? It depends on how you look at it.
Maduro and his accomplices had been relatively comfortable in the fulfillment of two conditions: on the one hand, a divided opposition making mistakes, and on the other, repression, the imposition of terror with bandit justice operating with impunity to persecute, extort, torture and imprison innocent people. All in exchange for turning Venezuela into territory handed over to the arms of organized crime.
That is the summary of the Venezuelan misfortune during the last 11 years of madurismo. All under a strict gag that annulled freedom of information, blocked the media, persecuted journalists, took over media companies and handed them over to corrupt figures. But even the gag has its limitations, so word of mouth, private messaging through mobile phones and of course social networks have allowed the dictatorship to be circumvented.
This boredom of the majority of Venezuelans who urgently demands a return to institutionality, to return to a minimum of well-being, security, and respect for the law, on the one hand, has come together with an opposition leadership that has finally learned from its mistakes, has shown signs of commitment to the country to do things well and shows a firm decision to remain united over differences.
It then remains to organize efficiently, because elections are certainly won at the polls and by guaranteeing that the result is respected. For the first, the work to be done is enormous considering that the regime has guaranteed control of the CNE; That is why the attendance of the table members is key, just as their permanence throughout the count until the end is decisive. Then comes what people find difficult to believe: that the result is respected. An agreement for this is essential.
Is that vision optimistic? Possibly. But it also seemed optimistic that the regime would allow the organization of the primary elections and that the candidacy of Edmundo González Urrutia would advance. Why did the dictatorship give way? Because fracturing the unit had worked before.
It is clear that unity has derailed Maduro’s plans.
While a possible victory is still far away, we are also closer than ever to achieving it.
The militant army of the political parties must join together to achieve the objective. The organization must be done with the same diligence shown to support María Corina Machado and Edmundo González in the activities undertaken.
It is also important to maintain communication with institutions that are seeing the house of cards fall and that are seeking a salvation mechanism. You have to listen to them.
And the world is paying attention. The possible continuity of the regime in power would exacerbate a serious immigration problem by increasing the number of Venezuelans fleeing their territory in fear. And that is what would happen if Maduro prevails: the stampede.
