Berlin
Formerly a protest party, but now a government party: political scientist Lothar Probst explains the problems the Greens are now facing.
The Greens are meeting for a party retreat these days Weimar. There are many questions that the party leadership must ask itself. After a year and a half in government, a lot has happened – how is the party doing now within the traffic light coalition? Lothar Probst, Professor Emeritus at the University of Bremen and political scientist, talks to us about the change and the current role of the Greens. What are the strengths and weaknesses of the party?
Mr. Probst, the Greens are meeting for a parliamentary group meeting this week. What problems should the party face?
Probst: In my opinion, the Greens face two challenges. On the one hand, they must better convey to citizens how they want to reconcile climate policy and economic policy. On the other hand, they have a problem with their self-portrayal. The public got the impression that they are constantly giving in to the FDP in the coalition. One example is transport policy. It should not give the impression that the Greens are the losers at the traffic lights.
The current headlines are “Party in Crisis” or “Minister Habeck Disenchanted”. How do you classify that?
Probst: This mainly has to do with the handling of the energy crisis and the conflicts in the climate protection movement. It often seems as if the Greens are at odds. In addition, there is usually a reality shock no later than a year after entering government, because both the voters and the members notice that many things cannot be implemented as quickly as promised – especially not in times of crisis, which require pragmatic decisions require. The Greens and their ministers often have to make painful compromises.
If you look at the polls about who the Germans are satisfied with in government, the Greens are still doing well – better than the FDP and SPD. Have the Greens managed to assert their role in traffic lights so far?
Probst: It was very remarkable that the Greens even gained ground in the polls after the Bundestag elections. Some time ago, when Chancellor Scholz was unable to explain government policy, Robert Habeck was the one who took on this role. The fact that the survey values have fallen again is mainly due to the public perception of the ministers. Even if the Greens were the darlings of the media for a long time: Robert Habeck in particular has recently lost media approval due to his consistent energy policy.
How dependent are the Greens on the popularity of Habeck and Baerbock?
Probst: The party’s public image depends very much on the performance of these two ministers. You completely changed the strategic center of the party even before the election. On the one hand, both maintain their own style in government, but on the other hand, both make a significant contribution to public perception and the external image of the Greens. The moment their appeal to mainstream society wanes, it can also happen that the polls for the Greens drop.
Habeck and Baerbock only act very coolly with each other. In your opinion, how divided is the party?
Probst: My impression is that the party is relatively united – no one dares open criticism or even an uprising against the members of the government. Nevertheless, it is no secret that there is dissatisfaction in their own ranks. Let’s take Lützerath as an example: Luisa Neubauer, a climate activist and party member herself, has sharply criticized her party’s decisions. However, the Greens have long understood that they have a different task than movements like Fridays for Future. Movements can make radical demands without answering to the voters. However, a party like the Greens that is up for election has to act more pragmatically and cannot only serve a certain clientele.
According to a Civey survey, 75 percent of Germans are of the opinion that the Greens want to tell Germans too much how they should live.
Probst: Yes – this image of the Greens as a ban party is repeatedly used in a targeted manner – for example through campaigns by “Bild” or from the ranks of the opposition. Often no distinction is made between regulatory policy, the framework for which is set by the state, and a ban. When Habeck says: “We now have to switch to heat pumps more quickly in order to achieve the climate targets,” many see this as a ban. Of course, this is very ambitious and sometimes overwhelms people. But Habeck in particular stands for politics without a moral finger. He spoke out against green know-it-alls early on.
How left do the Greens have to stay and how central do they have to be to be successful?
Probst: If ecological party the Greens were never a left-wing party in the classic sense. In fact, they have long been a centrist party, even if many in the party don’t want to admit it. As a result, they also have a responsibility for society as a whole. In order to be successful, it would probably be good if parts of the party were less divisive and developed a more open understanding of other parts of society. Then I see a chance that the Greens will not only keep their still relatively good poll numbers, but even grow.
More articles from this category can be found here: Politics
