Fights have become frequent. For example, it was unthinkable to see Nicolás upset with Delcy for having made decisions without her consent, and that happened. It usually happens when the sun is behind you. Maduro has ended up acting in the role of loser, evidenced by offering money to obtain followers on social networks, or trying to imitate what María Corina Machado does as a rookie.
A Chavista asked who is responsible for Maduro making a fool of himself and making mistakes so often. The answer is, himself; I’m sorry for his recent mistakes. His maladjustment is obvious; It is enough to see him dancing on official vehicles in the absence of people who want to hug him. At another time he would not have announced the sanctification of José Gregorio Hernández, nor would he have gotten on the presidential plane flying to Isnotú to end up as a liar after the Vatican reported that the news was false. This without mentioning the contempt of José Gregorio’s hometown, which did not even approach his caravan out of curiosity.
However, the opposition world is warned to beware of falling into triumphalism. The amorality of the regime and its accumulated crimes make it even more dangerous.
Meanwhile, it is relevant to record the revealing signs of mistrust within the elite in power. Everyone has a knife in their mouth. And they all shamelessly threaten to turn on the fan.
There are decisions that Maduro has not made yet and that are interpreted as a sign of his weakness. One is the expected punishment for General Néstor Reverol, a key officer in the structure that Tareck El Aissami had set up, whose essential entourage is either imprisoned or on the run. Despite the evidence, Nicolás has not dared to prosecute him, discreetly leaving him in exile. He certainly fears the possible reaction in the National Guard.
A similar pending issue is the removal of the director of Sebin, Gustavo González López, a golf partner of Samark López, the financial operator of El Aissami. Maduro has never trusted González López, the man of the brothers Diosdado and José David Cabello, but it has been difficult for him to part with him. He possibly now he regrets not having done it.
As expected, González López has been careful to document the bad steps of the presidential family and other members of the regime’s elite, which has meant his insurance, but now nothing is.
Suspicions of betrayal rose in temperature for González López when he learned that the DGCIM torturer, Alexander Granko Arteaga, was finding out and documenting on behalf of Tarek Wiilliam Saab and therefore Nicolás Maduro, details of abuses against the owners of a major vehicle dealership. This movement by the Public Ministry seeks to update a complaint against González López for extortion and the illegal seizure of luxury armored vans from when he was Minister of the Interior and Justice.
His response to this threatening movement was expressed through a video produced on the occasion of the recent celebration of the 14th anniversary of Sebin. It was a public sign – there are probably many other private ones – that presented apparently innocent images of the various facilities at the security agency’s headquarters. What is the peculiarity? The audiovisual message began showing the dining room of the facilities in Plaza Venezuela whose construction, in addition to the remodeling of the Helicoide, were works contracted to one of the companies of Santiago Morón (now also in disgrace), a well-known figurehead of Nicolasito.
There is no need to explain the Sebin director’s message with this video: I have your secrets, don’t touch me.
The signs of corruption by González López are old. How come Euzenando Azevedo, who was executive director of Odebrecht in Venezuela, complained about his greed to Hugo Chávez when he was at the head of the Caracas Metro! Odebrecht! Damn if he had a free hand when it came to paying bribes. On that occasion, Chávez removed him from the Metro, instead of referring him to the courts of justice. Guaranteed impunity.
The trail of accusations against González López has not been erased despite his indisputable effort to make the information disappear from the digital world.
In times of mistrust and when tensions increase in the Presidential Palace, some wonder: Will González López have more information than the director of the DGCIM Iván Hernández Dala? Who has the greatest blackmail power? It is difficult to know, sources respond, although it is important that the head of military counterintelligence has been closer to the presidential family. This makes Diosdado more vulnerable than Vladimir Padrino López, say those in the know.
In any case, everywhere the regime stinks.
