From small criminal gangs that station police in popular sectors to violent groups that threaten opposition actions, as was the case of the presidential candidate María Corina Machado, in the state of Miranda, they have not had the containment of the Nicolás Maduro regime.
The foundation Insight Crimena research organization that monitors organized crime in Latin America and the Caribbean, has detected that the Venezuelan State does not resist the existence of criminal gangs nor is it willing to collaborate internationally to stop their expansion outside the country, says Jeremy McDermottfounder and co-director of the foundation with offices in Washington and Medellín.
-What is the diagnosis of transnational organized crime in Venezuela?
-The situation in Venezuela is unique in the region, due mostly to the fact that the Nicolas Maduro regime controls some of the illicit economies, more than all drug trafficking and gold, and there are elements of the Chavista regime that work with criminal groups to gain access to illicit income. And that has already been almost formalized within the current regime. We have a State that is not interested in confronting crimes such as drug trafficking.ceither; it is only interested in benefiting, regulating and controlling to maximize potential profits.
-Does this disinterest and non-cooperation affect the region?
-When we talk about organized crime that does not respect borders, they take advantage of any lack of collaboration from a State to facilitate their business, and drug trafficking, for example, is like water and follows the paths of least resistance. In Venezuela there is very little resistance at the moment, and that is going to have an effect on the Caribbean. Countries are exposed to this increase in the presence and flow of organized crime.
-How many criminal gangs operate in the region?
-There are not hundreds, but thousands, particularly if you include urban gangs that are sometimes small, but at Insight Crime we track the most powerful criminal groups involved with transnational organized crime, and at this moment there are about 200 throughout Latin America and Caribbean.
-Is the Aragua Train among the most dangerous at this moment?
-No not at all. Sophisticated organized crime prefers corruption and not violence to do its business. The Aragua Train prefers indiscriminate violence as a tool and that will end with the fall of the group, as happened with the Zetas in Mexico.
Organized crime grows in Latin America
-Does the existence of 200 gangs mean an immense problem of insecurity in the region?
-We cannot be sensational in that and we look at it calmly. What is worth it is to look at the illicit economies that finance these groups; and the answer to why Latin America has so many criminal gangs is because there are so many illegal economies.
-What are these illegal economies?
-The first is drug trafficking, mainly cocaine, marijuana, heroin and fentanyl, which is a problem at the moment. In Mexico it has created a market for the US. Other illegal economies are environmental crimes, such as illegal fishing, which is a gigantic problem; the gold trafficking that occurs particularly in Venezuela and is a very important source of criminal income; and also wood or animal trafficking. In addition, migration that has fueled human trafficking and smuggling.
There are some that are not transnational but have a high impact on society, such as kidnapping and extortion. What fuels all crimes is arms trafficking, which increases violence.
-In which countries has the existence and expansion of gangs been encouraged?
-What frames the development of sophisticated and virulent transnational organized crime is the Medellín Cartel and the civil conflict in Colombia. There we have seen the evolution of several high-powered groups such as the FARC, already demobilized but with dissidents, even based in Venezuela; the FLN, or the successors of the Colombian Self-Defense military group. This country has had many groups with high organizational capacity and violence.
Mexico is the second most significant country in criminal terms, due to the long border with the United States. Right now, there are the Sinaloa Cartel and Jalisco Nueva Generación, which are two of the most powerful groups. However, the role of prisons is important when looking at the evolution and presence of criminal groups in the region. In Venezuela there is this phenomenon, with the Aragua Train and its barracks (prison) in Tocorón, in the state of Aragua. But first, there are the Maras (gangs) in Central America, such as the Mara Salvatrucha and the Mara18, mainly in El Salvador, and also in Guatemala and Honduras.
But one of the most powerful groups in the region today is the First Capital Command (Primeiro Comando da Capital), PCC, in Brazil and its cousins the Comando Vermelho.
Weak states, political factor
-Is there a political factor, in addition to economies, that allows it to operate?
-If you want to see the other side of the coin, which is the resistance of the State, that varies from country to country. The history of the Maras in Central America is linked to the fact that these countries were emerging from the civil wars of the 80s and 90s, and the State was very weak to confront this type of criminal threat.
Colombia, which has a strong State, has never had control over its national territory, where one of the widespread issues is corruption.
Organized crime has two main tools: violence and corruption. The latter occurs with weak institutions, small budgets compared to those managed by criminals, and the lack of collaboration and cooperation of the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean. All of this facilitates the expansion and progress of transnational organized crime.
-Has a logistical and financial connection been established between the bands?
–There is a criminal apprenticeship. Criminals read the newspapers like all of us and look at what is happening in the region, and one of the sources is the prisons, where they plan future actions.
-Does poverty lead to the growth of gangs and what do governments do about it?
-In the case of Venezuela, economic collapse is a situationvery particular, because for that reason there are very few economic opportunities; We have seen up to 8 million Venezuelans who have left the country.
Conditions in Venezuela have promoted some criminal activities, as well as corruption in the police and military forces. And the political system also feeds the criminal world, because now there is criminality directed from within the State.
International collaboration, essential
–What do you propose to reduce and eradicate these gangs?
-The question is very complex. The response must be comprehensive, and not just from the public force, repression or the judiciary, although these are important tools. International collaboration against transnational organized crime is absolutely necessary, a country cannot face transnational organized crime alone.
But there are also other social aspects such as the presence of the State, the creation of trust, a State alone cannot confront organized crime if it is not working with civil society, if there is no trust in the institutions. In addition, it must ensure economic opportunities for young people, education, and prevention campaigns that address the recruitment of adolescents by gangs.
-In addition to international cooperation, what other factor helps stop the expansion of organized crime in Venezuela?
-International cooperation is a key factor to stop transnational organized crime, it is important. Venezuela is not willing to collaborate internationally, it is an election year with the blocking of opposition candidate María Corina Machado, and Maduro has shown that he does not care about international opinion if that could risk his regime. And that’s why he is willing to sacrifice anything to stay in power. Under this regime, without a doubt, transnational organized crime will strengthen in Venezuela.
Source: Interview with Jeremy McDermott, founder of Insight Crime
