For some time now, there has been a euphoria for cross-camp coalitions in parts of politics and the arts pages. This resonates with the idea that political opposites could complement each other and that compromises could be reached with broad acceptance. The reality, however, looks different: the hope that such opposites can be moderated quickly turns out to be an illusion.
Within the framework of a coalition agreement, some things can still be bridged with non-binding rhetoric, but in practice the fundamental differences quickly become blockages. Large coalitions no longer solve big problems. On the one hand, because they only represent comparatively small majorities. On the other hand, a look at the history of our city shows that alliances between the CDU and SPD are only based on the lowest denominator.
At best, the result is a formula compromise, but the implementation is deadlocked. In the dynamic and crisis-ridden times in which we live, this simply means going backwards.
Various reasons are put forward in public for the change from red-green-red to black-red. Some of them are so factual or instrumental that they invite contradiction. Nevertheless, we do not want to participate in this debate.
But one thing is certain: RGR does not lack a parliamentary majority or common content. A cursory look at the program situation is enough to establish that the substantive similarities between the SPD, the Greens and the Left in Berlin are objectively greater than can ever be the case with the CDU.
SPD, Left and Greens are change parties
In view of these similarities, the possible end of RGR is not without a tragic component. She also refers to the image left by this coalition during the election campaign. Yes, RGR also has reasons for self-criticism. However, we are convinced that alliances are needed right now that have more in common than party tactics. Black and red therefore does not bode well for Berlin.
Because: In recent years, the crisis has become permanent. The climate crisis, migration, wars, unstable markets and social hardship are mutually dependent and mutually reinforcing. You encounter structures that have to change if we want to preserve for tomorrow what is good today. The eco-social transformation presents us with immense challenges and is therefore associated with conflicting goals. Last but not least, their success depends on social acceptance and on policies that mobilize the power for sustainable improvements.
The SPD, the Greens and the Left in Berlin have more in common than just the percentage agreement on the Wahl-O-Mat: They are all fundamentally change parties who know that something has to change in order to secure the future. Their historical roots and programmatic focus may differ. However, all three parties are based on a progressive understanding of social development and an emancipatory image of man.
In addition, there are shared convictions when it comes to diversity and participation, democracy and dealing with your opponents. This is also reflected in concrete actions: For RGR it was never a question that it is our humanitarian obligation to help people fleeing and to create the conditions for this to succeed.
Red-Green-Red is not a project without conflicts. Unlike black and red, however, it is much more than a pure alliance of convenience to retain power.
Katja Kipping (The Left) and Daniel Wesener (green)
Real change policy is only possible on this basis. It is clear to us that climate protection and the turnaround in traffic only work socially. Or that better tenant protection, affordable housing and climate-friendly urban development are not opposites, but are indispensable together.
When it comes to global warming and social insecurity, there is a risk of tipping points. For one, the climate is tilting, for the other, social cohesion. Only the interaction of social security and climate protection can prevent that.
Red-Green-Red also represents common positions where the FDP in the traffic light and the Union in the Bundesrat block: a fairer distribution of the costs of the crisis, a social and ecological reform of tenancy law or protection against poverty. While we are currently struggling to define basic child security, the CDU in the Bundesrat organized a majority against it. Each additional state government with the Union reinforces this blockade.
Red-Green-Red is not a project without conflicts. Unlike black and red, however, it is much more than a pure alliance of convenience to retain power. Even when viewed soberly, red-green-red is an opportunity to meet major challenges with a multitude of shared beliefs.
Red-Green-Red is the chance to advance social security and climate protection in the only way that is sustainable, in interaction. We shouldn’t simply pass up this opportunity, as is becoming apparent in Berlin. Neither for the next three and a half years, nor for the time after that.
