Once adopted, this provision makes it possible to overthrow the government. Under the Fifth Republic, only one precedent exists and dates back to 1962. General de Gaulle, then Head of State, responded by dissolving the National Assembly. A threat brandished by Emmanuel Macron last September.
Thing promised, thing due. After the government triggered article 49.3 on Thursday to pass its pension reform without a vote by deputies, a first motion of censure was announced by the National Rally on Thursday, joined by another, so-called transpartisan, led by the group Liberties, Independents, Overseas and Territories (Liot) filed this Friday and co-signed by deputies from four other groups (rebellious, socialists, environmentalists and communists).
A weapon of control for parliamentarians, this provision can, if adopted, lead to the resignation of the government, and in this case to the rejection of the bill. The President of the Republic can nevertheless maintain his confidence in his Prime Minister.
An almost impossible mission
While speculation is rife, a government overthrow remains hypothetical. Indeed, it is necessary to obtain the votes of the absolute majority of the members of the National Assembly (287 currently) for the motion to become effective.
In other words, an almost impossible mission for the oppositions. Moreover, even if the majority of the presidential camp is only relative, all the attempts of the left and the extreme right have failed since the beginning of the new legislature.
A single precedent under the Fifth Republic
Proof of the difficulty of the undertaking: only one motion of censure has been adopted in the history of the Fifth Republic. If the example, dating from 1962, is getting old, it remains enlightening. In particular with regard to the response of the President of the Republic at the time, General de Gaulle.
That year, the latter announced his desire to submit a constitutional revision to a referendum. It is then a question of reforming the presidential election. Until now elected by the electors – deputies and senators – the head of state now wants to seek the approval of the people and establish direct universal suffrage. Consequence: parliamentarians would lose their influence.
Dissatisfied, many of them voted in favor of a motion of censure on October 5, 1962. Result: 280 votes for, or 39 more than the majority required at the time. In the process, Prime Minister Georges Pompidou presents the resignation of his government.
To counter the motion of censure, the President can dissolve the Assembly
But the executive is not helpless. He counterattacks. Charles de Gaulle uses his powers as president to dissolve the National Assembly on October 9. While waiting for the new legislative elections, he maintains his confidence in Matignon.
At the end of November, the score was final: the Gaullists won around 40% of the seats. Georges Pompidou is confirmed in his functions. The effect of the censure motion lapses.
“I dissolve right away”
The situation is reminiscent of another. At the beginning of September 2022, Emmanuel Macron spoke on the motions of censure. In the event of 49.3 on the pension reform, the elected representatives of the National Rally (RN) like those of La France insoumise (LFI) threatened to file one.
In response, the President of the Republic had shown the muscles during a meeting with the heavyweights of his majority, evoking a possible dissolution of the National Assembly. “I don’t want shit. If a motion of censure is adopted, everyone goes back to campaigning,” he said.
He again brandished this threat on Wednesday, hinting that he could dissolve the lower house, in the event of an unfavorable vote on the government bill.
But could the head of state still afford it today, after a forced passage on a reform largely rejected by the French?
